^{Illustration by Keera Ratnam / wavesofcolour}

The last week has seen a burst of new optimism come across much of the South of the island, as Sri Lankan president Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s National People’s Power (NPP) coalition secured the largest parliamentary majority in the island’s history. His inaugural speech to parliament was brimming with promise as he pledged to eliminate racism, extremism and even tackle Sri Lanka’s history of impunity. There is much work to be done. All on the island, including Eelam Tamils, will be well aware that these hopeful words have been used by even the most corrupt and chauvinist of leaders before him. With a record majority in parliament and the overwhelming support of the Sinhala people behind him, Dissanayake must now turn those words into action.

Before coming to power, Dissanayake had made a range of promises to stamp out corruption and when in office had rapidly begun taking steps to do so. But when it comes to tackling the issues of the Tamil people, the new Sri Lankan government has been markedly reluctant to act. So far, there has only been one tangible step in the right direction - the reported removal of an army camp in Jaffna. The proposal is not new, as the camp was already slated for removal last year under Ranil Wickrememsinghe, but steps towards the actual dismantling of the camp never took place. There has been no official confirmation from the military, however, and it remains to be seen whether the camp will actually be removed. The answer will be seen within the next two weeks.

If it goes ahead the closure of just one camp, though welcome, is merely a drop in the ocean when the overall military presence in the region has only grown stronger in recent years. At the same time as this reported closure, other camps are fortifying their presence, building new facilities for troops and reinforcing their grip, whilst more land grabs across the North-East continue. It cannot be the case of giving with one hand and taking with another. A single closure also does little to address the broader issue of militarisation of the Tamil homeland. These camps occupy vast swathes of private and public land, displacing Tamil civilians, hindering local livelihoods, and add to the suffocating climate of intimidation, harassment and human rights abuses. Indeed, the entrenched presence of the security forces remains one of the most glaring symbols of Sinhala-Buddhist dominance. The complete demilitarisation of the Tamil homeland is well overdue – and a move that would help decrease Sri Lanka’s mammoth defence budget at a time of continued economic peril. A significant reduction in military expenditure, starting with the withdrawal of troops from the North-East, would free up much-needed resources for economic recovery. It must take place swiftly.

Dissanayake’s pledge to address “controversial crimes” is also a welcome promise. There can be none more controversial than the Mullivaikkal genocide. It remains the greatest massacre and most significant unaddressed atrocity in the island’s history. Though the Sri Lankan president has previously remarked that he would not prosecute those accused of war crimes and his government has already rejected a UN resolution on accountability, this is a position that is entirely untenable if he wants to achieve long term stability for the island. Tamils have been unequivocally clear that justice will not have been delivered, unless the deaths and disappearances of their loved ones have been accounted for and those responsible held to account. The time for more commissions and domestic inquiries has long passed; such mechanisms have only served to shield perpetrators and frustrate victims. What is needed now is concrete action—prosecuting war criminals and cooperating with international mechanisms like the Sri Lanka Accountability Project (SLAP). There cannot be any more delay.

While the NPP’s sweeping victory in the South was historic, its gains in the North-East tell a more nuanced story. The party managed to secure votes in Tamil areas, but these gains did not all come at the expense of established Tamil nationalist parties. Instead, the results point to how, as across much of the island, the breakdown of any opposition was pivotal. Older Tamil parties did suffer some losses, however, particularly as newer, more invigorated Tamil candidates came to the fore – many on independent platforms. The class of older, parochial Tamil politicians should take this as a lesson. Years of failure to bring about any tangible change, whether through appeasing Colombo or intransigence on forming productive partnerships, will not last. As the students of Jaffna University said earlier this year, a new political culture is needed.

For the NPP, the results highlight an openness among Tamil voters to engage with progressive Sinhala leadership—provided that leadership demonstrates a genuine commitment to addressing Tamil grievances. This is not a rejection of Tamil nationalism, which remains a powerful force in the North-East, but rather an opportunity for the NPP to prove that it is different from its predecessors. The Tamil nationalist movement continues to hold significant sway, as even the gains for the more established parties in the East demonstrate. Looking beyond electoral politics, which Tamils have long shown little faith in, the events of Maaveerar Naal this coming week will demonstrate its enduring strength. These sentiments cannot be ignored. The NPP must view this not as a challenge but as an opportunity to build trust and foster a new relationship between the Sri Lankan state and the Tamil nation.

Dissanayake’s government has been handed an unprecedented mandate to transform the island. With the largest parliamentary majority in history, it has the power to implement bold reforms and address the long-standing Tamil grievances. It requires political courage, something that a man who has pledged to be Sri Lanka’s last executive president, should have in abundance. The Tamil people have been in similar situations before, where optimism for change quickly dissipates – most recently in 2015 under the Sirisena regime. There is a deep and justified scepticism. Empty promises and superficial gestures will no longer suffice. If the NPP government is serious about reconciliation, justice, and stability, it must act decisively on demilitarisation, accountability, and Tamil autonomy. Dissanayake must not become another failed Sri Lankan leader. The time for excuses is over.