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Wednesday June 13, 2001 |
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Here
be dragons Western
governments are looking at the various Diasporas domiciled on their
territories with increasing concern from a security perspective, and the
advice of a leading US strategic think tank endorses this approach, writes
Sutha Nadarajah. Over the second half of the last century, the movement of people across national borders to both neighbouring and remote countries increased dramatically. Conflict, persecution and adverse economic conditions motivated large-scale migrations. Inevitably,
the politically stable and relatively prosperous conditions in Western
countries attracted a large proportion of people from countries beset by
strife of varying degrees and difficult economic conditions. The
phenomenon of the Diaspora in the West thus become commonplace. The
definition of when a community constitutes a Diaspora or not continues to be
a topic of academic discussion, but broadly speaking, it can be considered a
people originating from a country or homeland distinct from the host, but
with strong links to people of the same community in the former. The timing and intensity of the racial backlash to immigration from the Western populations and their governments varied, but a cursory look today at most of the countries concerned will reveal tough anti-immigrant sentiment reflected in both legislation and official and media rhetoric. In
such a scenario, the host government's concerns regarding the various
Diaspora does not receive as much attention - at least publicly - as the
alleged hordes clamouring to get in. Till now that is. The
de-classified reports from the RAND corporation, a key US think tank tasked
with advising the American government and military in policy matters, make
distinctly unsettling reading for members of any Diasporas domiciled in the
US - or indeed in any other western nation, as it is not unreasonable to
assume strategic security considerations are common amongst Western powers. Simply
put, RAND suggests, under the title "New Strategic Instruments of
Conflict" that the presence of Diasporas poses a security risk to their
host countries: on the one hand, people from countries inimical to the host
can prove a fifth column at times of war, and on the other hand, Diasporas
engaged in conflict in their host countries might 'export' their conflict to
the host country's territories. "Scholars
working within the dynamic paradigm of demographics and national security
are pointing to [Diasporas] as potential sources of leverage in military
campaigns throughout the world," says a report published last year by
RAND, a declaration that has to be viewed in the light of the organisation's
assertion that its work now "assists all branches of the U.S. military
community." "Advances
in transportation and communications over the last 20-30 years have
increased [Diasporas'] size, visibility, and impact within the international
system," it says. "Specifically, improvements in the accessibility
and speed of long-range transportation have permitted larger migratory flows
into developed regions such as Western Europe, thus increasing the size of
Diasporas abroad." Some
of the more significant of today's ethnic diasporas, according to RAND, are
the Armenians in France and the United States; the "overseas
Chinese" in Southeast Asia; the Indians in Western Europe, North
America, Fiji, and East Africa; the Tamils in Canada and Western Europe; the
Iranians in Western Europe and the United States; the Russians in Central
Asia, Ukraine, and the Baltic states; and the Jewish diaspora in the United
States, Canada, Europe, and Latin America. And
the threat they could pose is real and present, RAND - a non-profit,
US-government funded organisation that seeks to "improve [US] policy
and decision making through research and analysis" - says: "Today,
within ethnic Diasporas there are activist groups that could become a
strategic asset their home countries and territories can draw upon to help
them achieve regional politico-military objectives." "The
ongoing communications and information technology revolution now allows the
more activist elements within these larger immigrant communities, if they
can mobilize themselves, to have more rapid and visible means of calling
attention to issues of interest in their home countries than ever
before," says RAND. More
specifically, "The growing web of information, communications, and mass
media links, including the Internet, international TV news networks, and
global banking nets, increases opportunities for globally distributed ethnic
diasporas to play a key role in military campaigns involving their home
state or territory," it argues. Bearing
in mind that the category of Diasporas being considered in this instance are
working in support of their home country against a local - state or
non-state - adversary, RAND suggests the support can include:
"extensive fundraising for the purchase and transfer of arms, an
international public relations campaign to demonize opponents of the home
state, or the exertion of pressure upon governments in host countries to
turn against the enemies of their home state or territory." RAND's examples are drawn from relatively recent or ongoing migrations and conflicts. The organisation claims that the Croatian diaspora was "quite effective in helping swing the international community" behind the Croats in their conflict with the Croatian Serbs in the mid-1990s, that "the sudden upsurge in strength" of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) during the summer of 1998 "at the expense of more compromise-oriented Kosovo elites" may have been at least partially due to fundraising efforts by the Albanian diaspora in the West. The
Armenian migrants attempting, through political lobbying, to block US
support for Azerbaijan, is also cited. The last group highlighted in that
report by RAND, and of interest to readers of this publication, is "the
Tamil diaspora in Canada and Western Europe [which] has been active in
funnelling financial support to the Tamil insurgents fighting Sinhalese
government forces in Sri Lanka." The
influence of these communities in the conflicts involving their home
countries or territories will increase, RAND says. "As time goes on,
some key Diasporas will acquire even more influence upon the military
balance in their home regions." Rather
incredulously, RAND - which has about 1,100 fulltime employees including
about 700 researchers, of whom 80 percent have advanced degrees, most
commonly a PhD - goes on to argue: "One could even imagine cases where
rival diasporas themselves engage in violent conflict in their host
countries in order to advance the causes of their respective home
states." Irrespective
of how remote the Tamil and Sinhala Diasporas in Western countries might
consider this possibility, it is the perception of the US and other Western
security apparatus that matters in a practical sense. In this context, RAND has a blunt warning for the US government: "At any rate, American diplomatic, intelligence, and defense policymakers will have to consider ever more carefully the impact of ethnic diasporas upon regional wars in the next 10-20 years as they become more involved in supporting the military postures and campaigns of their home states. "The
implications of this outlook by Western governments for members of the
Diasporas, particularly those who are citizens of the host country, will be
considered in a forthcoming article on this issue.
Democracy
gone mad? The Swiss vote on everything. Local Swiss people have the final say on which foreigners can become Swiss nationals. Democracy may have gone too far, says Imogen Foulkes in Emmen, Switzerland for the BBC. Milunka
Milovanovic has had a hectic social calendar recently. She and her family
are busy trying to persuade their local community of Emmen, near Lucerne,
that they deserve Swiss nationality. In
Switzerland, 20% of the population is foreign, but you can only vote if you
are Swiss. Switzerland has the strictest nationality rules in Europe - you
have to have lived in the country at least 12 years, Emmen
is a small industrial town and, like many similar Swiss communities, it
recruited foreign workers in the 1970s and 80s. Among them were the young
Milovanovics: 21 years ago they arrived from Yugoslavia. Now
they and their three children, who were all born here, would like to be
citizens of their adopted homeland. The
Milovanovics have met all the legal requirements for citizenship: They have
paid 1,000 francs for their application to be considered, they have been
interviewed by the local council, they have passed German tests, and
demonstrated their understanding of the Swiss way of life. But
now they have to convince Emmen's 10,000 voters. In order to help people
make up their minds, Emmen town council has sent a brochure to every home:
In it the hopeful faces of the applicants stare out. Beneath the photographs
their jobs, hobbies and reasons for wanting to be Swiss are listed. Milunka
Milovanovic, we are told, works in an old people's home, and in her free
time likes to walk in the country. She wants to be Swiss, she says, because
she has lived in Switzerland more than half her life. But
all this is not enough: The local political parties in Emmen have been
holding meetings so that voters can ask the applicants questions. The
meeting organised by the right-wing Swiss people's party becomes a shameful
spectacle. The five Milovanovics are placed on a stage. Rows of upright
Swiss voters stare up at them. The questions come thick and fast. Who
would you cheer for at a football match - Switzerland or Yugoslavia? What
language do you dream in? Why
do you really want a Swiss passport - isn't it just because you think you
can get a better life here? The
Milovanovics answer everything patiently, meekly, with great courtesy. But
why submit to such a humiliating public examination? After all, the meetings
are supposed to be voluntary. Milunka
smiles wearily before hurrying off to the next meeting. "Well,
if it has to be, it has to be,'" she says. "We'll just put up with
it." There
is good reason for her stoicism; last year when Emmen voted on applications
for nationality, 48 out of a total of 56 were rejected. Not a single person
from the Balkans was accepted. Ethnic
origin is not supposed to influence citizenship decisions. But Switzerland
has accepted a lot of asylum seekers from former Yugoslavia, and, human
nature being what it is, many people now think there are too many people
from the Balkans in their country, and are expressing their concern at the
ballot box. But
the victims are not asylum seekers at all, who cannot apply for citizenship,
but families like the Milovanovics, who live here permanently. After
watching the goings on in Emmen with increasing unease, I asked a Swiss
friend whether it would not be better to take the whole nationality issue
away from the local communities and make the decision anonymously at federal
level. He too is repelled by the prejudices expressed in Emmen, but he looks
at me in surprise. "That
could never happen in Switzerland. The people always have the final
say," he said. Another
Swiss acquaintance related with approval that she regularly rejected
applications. "We
had one woman who applied," she explained. "She'd been here for 20
years, but you know she never said hello to me on the street, and she didn't
join any of our lady's clubs -so I voted against her." Is
this really what Swiss democracy is supposed to be? Neighbour judging
neighbour, over real or imagined slights? Switzerland
has been my home for almost 11 years now, and it is in so many ways a very
civilised, friendly and cultured country. But
the example of Emmen depresses me, because it is democracy gone sour, a way
to express prejudice, and punish innocent people. But because in theory it
is democracy, no one, it seems, wants to challenge it. "People
would vote the same way in your country if they could," said one Swiss
friend. I
am sure many would, but they do not have the right to, and quite frankly
after watching the ordeal of the Milovanovics I think I prefer a more
limited democracy. The
irony of the whole miserable Emmen episode is that if the Milovanovic
family's application for citizenship is rejected, they will still live
permanently in Switzerland, doing the same jobs, going to the same schools
and visiting the same shops. But
they will be doing it all in the knowledge that for some reason their
neighbours did not think they were good enough to be Swiss, and worthy
enough to vote alongside them.
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