EDITORIAL

Wrong Turn

Norway has damaged its peace initiative in Sri Lanka

Opposition to Erik Solheim, the Norwegian peace envoy, had been growing amongst the Sinhala far-right for some time.

Initially directed at the Norwegian government, the anger of the Sinhala-Buddhist supremacist forces in Colombo had focused on Solheim of late.

Barely two weeks ago, the Sinhala Council demanded that the envoy be declared persona non grata. These sentiments are not new in the south.

The Norwegian embassy has been the target of public rioting. Sri Lanka's Prime Minister, Ratnisiri Wickremenayake, the darling of the Sinhala far-right has never concealed his contempt for the Norwegian.

But Solheim's tireless shuttle diplomacy and determination to bring about negotiations between the protaganists has made him a household name - and one referred to with respect, even affection, amongst the Tamils.

However, of late, Solheim has made new enemies in Colombo, including Sri Lanka's Foreign Minister. Lakshman Kadirgamar and President Chandrika Kumaratunge - rather ironically, since only a month ago, both were gushing with praise for the Norwegian, even as they effected actions to undermine his primary objective.

Solheim's main 'fault' it would appear has been his refusal to be co-opted into Sri Lanka's efforts to smear the Liberation Tigers as the intransigent party in the peace process.

The exercise last month by Kadirgamar to create the illusion that the peace process was proceeding well - in this case so as to undermine opposition moves to topple the government - is a case in point.

It was Solheim's comments to the press, echoing the LTTE's assertion that no deal had been struck, that ended the euphoria and returned matters to an even keel. It also earned him Kadirgamar's ire.

Having spearheaded his country's peace initiative for two years, and having met all the key figures on both sides countless times in that period, Solheim is arguably one of the most informed Westerners as far as the Tamil question is concerned.

That is not to say he is an expert: Solheim can still be surprised by events which Tamils and Sinhalese often expect and understand and his sense of optimism has sometimes seemed to prevent him from differentiating the insurmountable from the difficult and vice-versa.

Yet, it was not unsurprising that when the new US administration wished to appraise itself of the peace process in Sri Lanka, it was Solheim who was invited to Washington.

The envoy reportedly urged the US to put pressure on both sides to negotiate.

Naturally, the Sri Lankan government, which has been dragging in its feet on the peace process, refusing to reciprocate the LTTE's ceasefire or lift the economic blockade on Tamil areas, was incensed. Kadirgamar's carefully engineered impression abroad of the LTTE as intransigent and war-mongering was being challenged.

Lately the Norwegian peace initiative had been stalled over Sri Lanka's refusal to lift the proscription of the LTTE, and reports that Norway's Foreign Minister, Thorbjoern Jagland was to fly in for a meeting with the Sri Lankan government was therefore greeted with cheer.

However the optimism has proved ill-founded. Jagland's visit heralded the most severe crisis to afflict Norway's peace initiative to date: Sri Lanka wanted Solheim sidelined. The strength and nature of feeling was apparent on Thursday.

Though Solheim had flown in with Jagland, he was not permitted to attend the meeting. The writing was on the wall. Jagland and Solheim left the same night, without comment or meeting opposition parties or any other actors on the Sri Lankan political scene.

The government issued a terse statement declaring that Norway would be involved at "a higher level." Colombo, it would appear, had successfully neutralised its irritant.

The Liberation Tigers' fury over Sri Lanka's unilateral - and successful - decision to downgrade Solheim's role and supersede him is hardly surprising.

As the LTTE acidly observed: "the facilitatory process in peace making is not an exercise in inter-governmental relations; it involves tripartite relations between the facilitator and the parties in conflict."

Unfortunately, Norway's regrettable decision to simply acquiesce to Colombo's histrionics over Solheim, has caused its own motives to be called into question amongst the Tamils.

The LTTE was circumspect, simply noting that Oslo's "improper" action "entails a breach of protocol and neutrality."

But the ramifications of last week's events are wide-ranging and are a cause for concern, even apprehension, amongst the Tamil community.

The question as to whether Norway and Sri Lanka are collaborating against the LTTE will inevitably be asked - particularly as the movement itself raised the issue, albeit obliquely.

Ultimately, the damage to the peace process stems from Sri Lanka's opposition to an honest broker. The government would rather work with an official more sympathetic to its objectives with regards to the Tamil question.

But that is not as important as the fact that Colombo can in fact alter the modalities of the peace process at will - and the LTTE may or may not be involved - or, as in this case, even aware.

Hence, after the events of the past week, the LTTE could not faulted if it was to reconsider the very bona fides of the Norwegian initiative. What is clear this week is that the peace process has suffered its most critical setback - on the matter of trust.

It remains to be seen how this issue can be addressed. But until then, all other matters related to the peace process are justifiably of secondary importance.

First Line

Civilian concentrations are protecting Sri Lanka’s bases

The Sri Lanka Army's use of Tamil civilians as human shield is not new, having been practiced at both tactical and strategic levels for many years.

The matter has been raised by local and international human rights organisations, church leaders and Tamil parliamentarians, yet it continues.

In the east, the Sri Lankan security forces travel with loaded weapons on packed civilian buses, to deter attacks by the Liberation Tigers - and on occasion have engaged the LTTE's fighters from these vehicles.

Sri Lankan troops on search and destroy missions have often forced Tamil civilians to walk ahead of their patrols to trigger any mines that may have been planted. Tamil civilians have been tied to the perimeters of military camps to deter attack.

The strategic use of Tamil civilian centres to deter the LTTE's conventional onslaughts is also a well known practice.

The LTTE's Operation Unceasing Wave 3, intended to overrun the strategic SLA garrison at Elephant Pass was held up for weeks early last year when thousands of Tamil civilians fleeing the fighting were prevented by the SLA from leaving the general area of Pallai when the town was next in line for a major offensive.

With considerable international pressure, the SLA relented - the Tigers overran the town in hours.

This year also, the SLA has been incorporating Tamil civilian concentrations into the defences of its larger camps.

The approaches to its sprawling complex at Palaly pass through large numbers of villages. In the eastern province, the SLA places checkpoints and minicamps near schools and hospitals.

As one head teacher observed, each day his students have to file past the muzzles of machineguns to attend school.

The SLA's attempts to forcibly move Tamil refugees from the Alles Garden refugee camp in Trincomalee to a location north of the town must inevitably also be seen in this light.

In the Jaffna peninsula, residents of the Chavacachcheri sector who fled the fighting are also being forcibly resettled in their homes.

A carrot and stick approach is being used by the paramilitary Eelam People's Democratic Party (EPDP) whose leader, Douglas devananda, is Sri Lanka's Minister for Rehabilitation.

A thousand families have been moved into positions being vacated by the Army, via a combination of intimidation and monetary grants.

It is abjectly clear that were the LTTE to launch a conventional assault on Jaffna town, its forces would have to fight their way through this sector, and the intensity of the artillery exchanges can cause horrific casualties.

International human rights agencies which often raise concern at the extent of civilian casualties in attacks attributed to the Liberation Tigers in the south of the island are conspicuously silent when Tamil civilians are killed or wounded in Sri Lankan attacks, often exploiting the lack of access as an excuse for failure to follow up.

The issue of the Army's human shields is however more clear cut, with large numbers of independent sources verifying these civilians plight.

It remains to be seen if the considerable risk to their lives causes any concern amongst the international community.